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Federal
drug agents have built a massive wiretapping operation in the Los
Angeles suburbs, secretly intercepting tens of thousands of Americans’
phone calls and text messages to monitor drug traffickers across the
United States despite objections from Justice Department lawyers who
fear the practice may not be legal.
Nearly all of that
surveillance was authorized by a single state court judge in Riverside
County, who last year signed off on almost five times as many wiretaps
as any other judge in the United States. The judge’s orders allowed
investigators — usually from the U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration —
to intercept more than 2 million conversations involving 44,000 people,
federal court records show.
The eavesdropping is aimed
at dismantling the drug rings that have turned Los Angeles’ eastern
suburbs into what the DEA says is the nation’s busiest shipping corridor
for heroin and methamphetamine. Riverside wiretaps are supposed to be
tied to crime within the county, but investigators have relied on them
to make arrests and seize shipments of cash and drugs as far away as New
York and Virginia, sometimes concealing the surveillance in the
process.
The surveillance has raised concerns
among Justice Department lawyers in Los Angeles, who have mostly refused
to use the results in federal court because they have concluded the
state court's eavesdropping orders are unlikely to withstand a legal
challenge, current and former Justice officials said .
“It was made very clear to the agents that if you’re going to go the
state route, then best wishes, good luck and all that, but that case
isn’t coming to federal court,” a former Justice Department lawyer said.
The lawyer and other officials described the situation on the condition
of anonymity because they were not authorized to discuss the
department’s internal deliberations.
Self-defence forces
gather near Buenavista in Michoacan, Mexico, part of a growing movement
of militias taking on the drug cartels. Photograph: ZUMA/REX
With their scuffed shoes, baggy
trousers and single shot hunting guns, the eight men preparing to patrol
their hillside barrio in the southern Mexican town of Tixtla hardly
looked like a disciplined military force. But this motley collection of
construction workers and shopkeepers claim to have protected their
community from Mexico's violent drug cartels in a way the police and military have been unable – or unwilling – to do.
"Since
we got organised, the hit men don't dare come in here," said one young
member of the group, which had gathered at dusk on the town's basketball
court, before heading out on patrol. "Extortions, kidnappings and
disappearances are right down."
Over the past year, vigilante
groups like this have sprung up in towns and villages across Mexico,
especially in the Pacific coast states of Guerrero and Michoacán. They
make no pretence to be interrupting drug trafficking itself but they do
claim to have restored a degree of tranquillity to daily life.
In a
country where the police are commonly felt to commit more crime than
they prevent, the militias have won significant popular support, but
they have also prompted fears that the appearance of more armed groups
can only provoke more violence.
Tensions exploded this weekend
when a march by self-defence groups triggered a gun-battle between
gunmen and federal forces in the city of Apatzingán, followed by attacks
on power stations that left hundreds of thousands without electricity.
Nearly
seven years after the government launched a military-led crackdown on
the cartels, the weekend's events have caused many to ask if the new
government of President Enrique Peña Nieto is presiding over the first
rumblings of an undeclared civil war.
"Perhaps the closest antecedent is the civil wars of central America," said an editorial posted on the widely-read news site Sin Embargo.
The
weekend's violence began on Saturday when a group of militiamen marched
on the city, saying they were responding to calls for support by
residents there who want to set up their own self-defence group. Similar
groups claim to have forced the brutal Knights Templar cartel out of
smaller towns in the region, but Apatzingán, capital of the Tierra Caliente region, has remained largely in the hands of the drug barons.
Troops
allowed the marchers into the city after they had disarmed, but when
they gathered in the central square, they came under attack from gunmen
on the rooftops – including some who were reportedly stationed in the
cathedral belltower. A video shows people running for cover as federal police officers appear to return fire at the attackers.
At
the end of the day, the marchers withdrew after the army agreed to step
up patrols and include observers from the self-defence groups. But the
movement's leader, José Mirales, warned reporters that the fight was not
over. "We are going to make sure that organised crime is expelled from
Apatzingán," he said. "They will try to respond."
That
response came just hours later, when, shortly after midnight, nine
electricity substations were firebombed in a string of almost
simultaneous attacks. More than 400,000 people were left without
electricity. At least four petrol stations were also torched.
In a
statement, Mexico's interior ministry promised that: "The actions of
the criminals will not stop the actions of the government to protect the
population."
But while the government claimed order had been
restored to Aptazingán, the tension continued into Sunday when a second
group of civilians marched on the local army base. The Knights Templar
were widely believed to be behind this second march that demanded
federal forces withdraw their protection from the self-defence groups.
Also on Sunday, five bodies were reportedly found on the outskirts of
the city, all wearing t-shirts identifying them as members of the
self-defence groups.
By GUSTAVO RUIZ and MARK STEVENSON Associated Press
Clashes in which self-described "self-defense" forces sought to oust the
Knights Templar drug cartel from the western Mexico state of Michoacan
left at least five men dead and hundreds of thousands of people without
electricity.
The weekend confrontations followed a daring march by a self-defense
force into the city of Apatzingan, the central stronghold of the
pseudo-religious Knights Templar cartel that for years has dominated
Michoacan, a state that sends a steady stream of avocados and migrants
to the United States.
State Interior Secretary Jaime Mares said soldiers and federal police
had taken over security in Apatzingan following the clashes.
Since rising up in February against systematic extortion by the Knights
Templar, residents of a half dozen towns that formed self-defense
patrols have lived without access to Apatzingan, a commercial and road
hub that is home to the region's main hospital and markets.
Self-defense leaders said they finally grew tired of the cartel blocking
services and commerce in an attempt to strangle their uprising and
showed up Friday on Apatzingan's outskirts, armed and ready to
"liberate" the city. They were turned back by soldiers who said they
couldn't enter with weapons.
A convoy of hundreds of unarmed self-defense patrol members returned on
Saturday and successfully entered the city, where they were met by
gunfire, presumably from the Knights Templar.
Volunteer walks
through a hemp field at a farm in Colorado during the first known
harvest of industrial hemp in the US since the 1950s. Photo: P Solomon
Banda/AP
Ryan Loflin, a farmer from southeast Colorado,
tried an illegal crop this year. He didn't hide it from neighbors, and
he was never afraid that law enforcement would come asking about it.
Loflin is among about two dozen Colorado farmers who raised industrial
hemp, marijuana's non-intoxicating cousin that cannot be grown under
federal drug law, bringing in the nation's first acknowledged crop in
more than five decades.
Emboldened by voters in Colorado and Washington last year giving the green light to both marijuana and industrial hemp production,
Loflin planted 55 acres of several varieties of hemp alongside his
typical alfalfa and wheat crops. The hemp came in sparse and scraggly
this month, but Loflin said he is still turning away buyers.
"Phone's
been ringing off the hook," said Loflin, who plans to press the seeds
into oil and sell the fibrous remainder to buyers who will use it in
building materials, fabric and rope. "People want to buy more than I can
grow."
Hemp's prospects, however, are far from certain. Finished
hemp is legal in the US, but growing it remains off-limits under federal
law. The Congressional Research Service recently noted wildly differing
projections about hemp's economic potential.
However, America is
one of hemp's fastest-growing markets, with imports largely coming from
China and Canada. In 2011, the US imported $11.5m worth of hemp
products, up from $1.4m in 2000. Most of that is hemp seed and hemp oil,
which finds its way into granola bars, soaps, lotions and even cooking
oil. Whole Foods Market now sells hemp milk, hemp tortilla chips and
hemp seeds coated in dark chocolate.
Colorado will nt start
granting hemp-cultivation licenses until 2014, but Loflin didn't wait.
His confidence got a boost in August, when the US Department of Justice
said the federal government would generally defer to state marijuana
laws as long as states kept marijuana away from children and drug
cartels. The memo did not mention hemp as an enforcement priority for
the Drug Enforcement Administration.
"I figured they have more
important things to worry about than, you know, rope," a smiling Loflin
said as he hand-harvested 4ft plants on his Baca County land.
Colorado's
hemp experiment may not be unique for long. Ten states now have
industrial hemp laws that conflict with federal drug policy, including
one signed by California Governor Jerry Brown last month. And it's not
just the typical marijuana-friendly suspects: Kentucky, North Dakota and
West Virginia have industrial hemp laws on the books.